Maharashtra's response to Maoist menace
Dear friends,
I am starting this new thread of articles on Maoist/Naxalite/LWE menace. I have been writing on this subject for past 10 years. I sincerely hope that you like the thread and its content.
19-05-2011
Govt’s response to Maoist menace:
Well conceived but poorly executed
By Kartik Lokhande
It is well over 30 years since the first incident of Red Ultras entering
Maharashtra, and situation on ground has just developed from bad to
worse, thanks to the Government’s well conceived but poorly executed
response. As a result, more than 650 lives are lost and a changed Red
Ultras have become successful in penetrating urban areas while holding
forest grounds.
Take, for example, the case of Anti-Naxalite Operation (ANO) headquarter
at Nagpur. Though it was conceived to serve as Operations and
Intelligence base to counter Naxalite threat in Maharashtra; till recent
past there were talks of it being wound up. At inception, it was headed
by an officer of the rank of Inspector General of Police (IG). In
course of time, the post of ANO head was upgraded to the rank of
Additional Director General of Police (ADG). However, now the post is
downgraded to Deputy Inspector General (DIG) rank officer.
Throughout, whether the post was to be upgraded or downgraded was
decided merely by the rank of officer available for the job. The fact
that the decision was not governed by a conceived policy, speaks volumes
about the Government’s response to the menace. If this is the position
regarding ANO head, it is better not talk of filling up of posts of
Superintendents of Police for Operations and Intelligence purposes. At
present, ANO has one post of Superintendent of Police who looks after
Special Action Group (SAG).
Vacancies have been ailing Naxalite-affected districts of Gadchiroli,
Gondia, Chandrapur, and Bhandara apart from ANO at Nagpur. However, the
dignitaries who took charge as Chief Minister to Additional Chief
Secretary (Home), could not do much than to assure that posts would be
filled up soon. When the posts could not be filled up, as the officers
or personnel used their ‘goodwill’ among politicians to cancel their
transfers to above-mentioned places, the Government issued ‘strict
warnings’ or offered incentives to officers and personnel working there.
However, there are no instances when the Government’s ‘strict warnings’
were implemented.
As for incentives and creation (or, shall one say re-deployment of
existing workforce), poor execution was again the salient feature. In
the recent past, SAG was constituted by way of selecting 300 officers
and personnel from existing workforce for specialised training. They
were offered incentives over and above the prescribed salary. Alas!
Confusion reigned supreme and though the Home Department gave a green
signal to incentives, Finance Department raised questions. According to
reliable sources, an officer is yet to get incentive amount though he is
transferred from SAG long back. Reason? Lack of coordination between
Home Department and Finance Department regarding grant of incentives.
Doesn’t it indicate complete absence of harmony within the Government
while taking a policy decision? It sure does. Here is another example on
similar lines. The then Home Minister Jayant Patil had announced in
Legislative Assembly to carve out Aheri Police District from Gadchiroli.
However, creation of Aheri Police District is opposed by Revenue,
Forest, and Finance Departments. The ambitious Alpha Hawks Academy is
yet to see light of the day. As a result, the force fighting the
Naxalites actually has got no base where it can get special training.
One would be shocked to know that SAG personnel were till recently
fighting with dreaded Maoists with 25 borrowed AK-47 at their disposal!
After much efforts, the Government finally yielded to the demands of the
situation and has recently given 130 AK-47 to SAG. Further, owing to
delay of two years or more in supply of required material, the officers
involved in operations have actually refused to place demand for new
equipments.
There was a policy decision of the Government, which was announced
several times, to grant transfer at a place of choice to officers or
personnel who completed their prescribed tenure in Naxal-affected areas.
However, many officers and personnel either took voluntary retirement
or are working in Naxal-affected areas. SAG itself has a large number of
personnel who have completed their prescribed tenure but have not been
transferred, leave alone being transferred to place of their choice.
May it be implementation of Surrender Policy for Naxal cadres or
carrying out effective development activities on ground in core areas,
everywhere the response was either knee-jerk or impracticable. Recently,
Union Home Minister P Chidambaram had blasted administrative machinery
for making a presentation on all impracticable projects. State
Government did not keep its promise of making Naxal-affected areas free
of load-shedding, because it was unable to make a provision of Rs 64
crore for the purpose. Compared to the State’s approved plan size of Rs
42,000 crore, Rs 64 crore is a paltry sum. Still, the State could not do
it so far. On the other hand, the same Government is talking of
e-governance projects that require uninterrupted power supply as well as
Internet connectivity. When there are not even telephone towers in many
parts, how much practicable is the idea of launching Internet-dependent
projects remains a big question.
The most interesting aspect is that Gadchiroli, which is among the
districts worst-affected by Maoist menace, has got the dubious
distinction of its district headquarters having no rail connectivity.
The district has got rail connectivity of only over 18 kms, when it’s
spread well over 400 kms. The State Government has apparently failed in
all these long years to convince Railway Ministry to come up with rail
connectivity expansion programme here. Regarding industrial development,
Gadchiroli has advantage of good roads, but the Government has not been
able to remove the fear of sabotage from the minds of investors.
Coming to urban areas, the Government tended to ignore Maoist
penetration into urban Intelligentsia and Dalit strongholds for a long
time. It forgot that the Naxalite movement took its roots in Maharashtra
in its capital Mumbai way back in late 1979. It tried to focus on areas
with violent action, but in the process ignored to check urban spread
of the destructive anti-national ideology. More recently, after arrests
of prominent Maoist leaders from Mumbai, Pune, and other major urban
centres, though the Government appears to have woken up to the threat;
it has failed to send a clear message through its actions.
As such, while the Maoist leaders continue to operate in urban areas
through frontal organisations, the proposal to amend Unlawful Activities
Prevention Act (UAPA) to incorporate definitions of Naxalites and
frontal organisations is gathering dust in one of those countless files
at higher levels of administration. Similar is the case with
well-intentioned decision of having a Naxal Cell in each district.
However, on ground, wherever there are ‘functional’ Naxal Cells, there
is no expertise or information network. Where there is information
network, there is no support.
One can go on quoting several such policy initiatives that have been
conceived well but executed poorly. However, now is the time when the
Government must wake up to the need of the hour and effect development
where it is needed and come up with a well-defined and well-synchronised
response with a long term vision for proper execution. Understanding
the crux of problems mentioned above can also help the Government in
formulating its response for future.
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